Storming the world stage: the story of Lashkar-e-Taiba

My review of Stephen Tankel's book Storming the World Stage: The Story of Lashkar-e-Taiba has been published by Contemporary South Asia, Vol. 21, No. 3, 2013, pp. 83-84.

Stephen Tankel's book, Storming the world stage, is a tour de force on the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT or Lashkar). LeT is one of most capable militant groups that has carried out acts of terrorism in India over the past two decades. This comprehensive study provides plenty of details on the origins, organisation, and operations of the LeT. Tankel shows that the LeT is the leading group among the various militant organisations supported by Pakistan that act as proxies in the ongoing confrontation with India. 

Storming the world stage begins with a comprehensive overview of the range of militant organisations active in Pakistan. It then goes on to delve into the origins of the Lashkar noting its origins and continuing ties with the religious, missionary organisation now known as Jamaat-ul Dawa (JuD). Tankel traces the various identities the group has assumed over the years as well as showing how LeT has been supported by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The latter part of the book charts the growth and expansion of LeT's capabilities such that it was able to mount terror operations like the Mumbai attacks of November 2008, of course, with ISI's support. Pakistan's reaction, or rather the lack of any action, following the US announcement of a US$10 million reward for information leading to the arrest of LeT chief Hafiz Muhammad Saeed in April 2012 highlights Lashkar's favoured status.

For the rest of the review visit http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/EFDRAZ87fQKThJi5IuZc/full

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Interweaving Narratives

Review of  Alice Lyman Miller and Richard Wich, Becoming Asia: Change and Continuity in Asian International Relations since World War II, Foundation Books, New Delhi, 2012, pp. xiv+314, Rs. 995.00 published in The Book Review, Vol XXXVII, No. 2-3, SAARC Special Issue, February-March 2013, 62-63.

Alice Lyman Miller and Richard Wich both of whom have been lecturing for several years on Asian international relations at various American universities have done yeoman's service to the field of international relations by publishing this masterly account of Asia since the Second World War. Miller and Wich have in a comprehensive manner captured the growth of the region from a geographical expression at the end of the World War II to a region which is seen as a global power center in its own right.

As pointed out by the authors, (pp. 2- 7) there are two simultaneous and interweaving narratives through the course of the book. The first is the Cold War competition between the United States and the Soviet Union to enlist the support of the region's countries into their respective blocs. The second narrative is the rising nationalism resulting in the establishment of independent nationstates in the region. In the book, the Cold War and the resultant great power politics as well as rising nationalism are important actors determining the course of events.

The book begins with the wartime conferences which laid down the contours for a post Second World War world. It then moves on to the Chinese Civil War beginning with the differing readings of the event and the consequences of the victory of the Chinese Communist Party. This is followed up by the US occupation of Japan, process of reconstruction which is ably assisted by the `Gift of the Gods' in the form of the Korean and the Indo-China wars. The decolonization process fuelled by nationalism; the US Alliance system and the Sino-Soviet alliance form the bulwark of the next three chapters. The Vietnam War and the strategic realignment heralded by the Sino-American rapprochement is the highlight of the next two chapters. This is followed up with a chapter solely devoted to a phenomenon which has a huge  role in propelling the region to the global stage, namely the `Rise of China'. The final and the penultimate chapters of the book look at the future of the region in the background of the Taiwan issue, the continued simmering tensions in the Korean peninsula, the Japanese rise coupled with domestic demands to revisit Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution and the tensions in South Asia between India and Pakistan. The authors ponder on how all these issues will impinge on the 'Asian Century'.

One of the greatest strengths of the book is that-given the command of the authors over the subject-it manages to condense differing, divergent readings of an issue very concisely and authoritatively into a few pages. The chapter on the `Chinese Civil War' is a case in point. The authors after providing the reader with an overview of the two differing accounts of the Chinese civil war and its course, conclude (p. 35) that the 'most effective approach to explaining the Chinese civil war is to combine both external and domestic factors, taking due account of the goals and actions of all four actors (United States, Soviet union, Chiang Kai-Shek's KMT and the Chinese Communist Party), not just those of the two domestic antagonists or those of the two external powers.' 

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Terrorism and National Security Reform

Review of Jordan Tama's book Terrorism and National Security Reform: How Commissions can Drive Change during Crises published in the Journal of Conflict Transformation and Security (JCTS), Vol. 2, no. 2, October 2012, pp. 268-270. Issuu and PDF

The oldest stunt in every politician’s playbook when one encounters a crisis is to create a commission. The conventional view of commissions is well captured in a joke Tama shares (p.4). The joke by Lloyd Cutler, who was advisor to Presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton goes something like this:

“A retiring president leaves his successor three envelopes to be opened in sequence, to learn what to do each time he faces a serious crisis. The first envelope says, ‘Blame your predecessor.’ The second says, ‘Appoint a commission.’ The third says, ‘Prepare three envelopes.’” 

The joke succinctly captures the widespread perception of commissions; that they are created for purposes other than creating results and most do not produce results. It is this conventional view of conventions that Tama sets out to challenge and manages to unsettle with a great deal of success.[1]

The book originates out of Tama’s doctoral thesis at Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs. This in itself holds several valuable lessons for readers and students of national security which is an issue I will deal with a little later in the review.

Firstly, the book is divided into three parts. The first part outlines the research questions and delineates the existing body of knowledge and the conventional view of commissions. This is followed by outlining the central argument and the method of testing the argument. The next section titled ‘Patterns of Commission Influence’ has two chapters wherein Tama outlines a Theory of Commission Influence and the Impact that National Security Commissions. This section tries to identify the focal points and tries to identify under what circumstances commissions are able to exert the maximum influence. This is followed by the third part titled ‘Commissions and Counterterrorism Policy’ which comprises of detailed case-studies of several blue-ribbon, executive commissions beginning with the Long Commission to the 9/11 Commission and Intelligence Reform.

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Iranian Nuclear Program: An Overview

This was a talk I gave at the Round Table "Iran: A War has Begun" organised by the International Strategic and Security Studies Programme, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Indian Institute of Science Campus (IISc), Bangalore

The remaining talks, photos, program, bios are available at the following link
http://nias.res.in/research-schools-isss-conf2012-iran.php

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Confrontation, Dialogue and Radicalization

published in The Book Review, Vol XXXVI, No. 9, South Asia XX-1, September 2012, 18-19
 

Irfan Husain, Fatal Faultlines: Pakistan, Islam and the West

Fatal Faultlines is a lucid account delving into many difficult questions which lie at the heart of interactions between Islam, the West and Pakistan. These range from historical confrontation between Muslim and western civilizations and their impact on the current ‘dialogue’ between Muslim countries and the West. Husain studies the roots of terrorism and increasing radicalization. In less than 250 pages, Irfan Husain—a popular Pakistani journalist—has delved into these and many related issues which make our world an increasingly dangerous place in a simple, well researched and easy to read book.

‘Why us?’ is an interesting, yet telling question, which is posed to the author by his American friends in the aftermath of 9/11 attacks. It is an important question, which the United States as a country should ask itself in order to extricate itself out of the chakravyuha it finds itself in. Despite American humanitarian efforts in many counties from Bosnia to Pakistan, anti-Americanism is on the rise across the globe. The book, in many ways, is an attempt to answer this central question.

One of the most important sources of this hatred is the result of American support—influenced by geopolitics and economics—of authoritarian regimes in many Muslim countries. During the Cold War this meant keeping pro-Soviet Left wing groups away from power even if it meant extending support to despots. These authoritarian regimes in turn used this support to crush domestic opposition, which were more often than not, led by Islamic groups like the Muslim Brotherhood.
Another reason for the widespread disenchantment with the US has been its constant support of Israel Muslims. Why the US despite all its talk of democracy, justice and human rights, can turn a blind eye to the violation of these ideals in Palestine on a daily basis cannot be fathomed. As Husain points out, ‘the fact that the United States is Israel’s biggest patron and strongest ally results in much of this anger being directed towards Washington’ (p. 9).

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Syrian Chemical Weapons: The Danger Within

published by Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi as Issue Brief #45, September 2012, available at http://www.observerindia.com/cms/sites/orfonline/modules/issuebrief/attachments/ORF_Issue_brief_45_1347355536755.pdf

Syrian CW Facilities (World Tribune website)

The Syrian case is a unique one. A country with a WMD-armed capability has never witnessed civil strife before. The active involvement of terror groups like Hezbollah, Hamas and al-Qaeda in Iraq coupled with the weakening hold of the Assad regime over large swathes of the country makes the situation grim. This raises the very real spectre of Syrian chemical weapons and missiles falling into the hands of these terror groups.

Given the ongoing civil war in the country, Syria's neighbours and the West have been concerned about the safety and security of the chemical and biological weapons in Syria.1 In a bid to possibly allay these fears, the Syrian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Dr. Jihad Makdissi made a statement at a televised news conference on July 23, 2012. In the statement, Makdissi said,

“Any chemical or bacterial weapon will never be used––and I repeat will never be used––during the crisis in Syria regardless of the developments. All of these types of weapons are in storage and under security and the direct supervision of the Syrian armed forces and will never be used unless Syria is exposed to external aggression”.

The statement is crucial for several reasons. Most importantly, Makdissi's statement is the first public
admission by the Assad regime of possessing stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons. While the statement reiterates the Syrian regime's long-standing policy of not using chemical weapons against its own population, it also lays down an important “red line.” Possibly, learning from the treatment meted out to Tripoli after it gave up its chemical weapons, Syria has made it clear that it will not use these weapons “unless Syria is exposed to external aggression .

Makdissi's statement can also be seen as an attempt on the part of the Assad regime to reassure the international community that the chemical weapon stockpile continues to remain under its firm control.

In this context, a recent statement by Amos Gilad, head of the Israeli Defence Ministry's political defence department that Syria does remain in full control of its facilities assumes significance. Interestingly, media reports quoting American intelligence officials indicate that the al-Assad regime has in fact been consolidating its CW stockpile. The regime has been moving its chemical and biological arsenal away from northern parts of Syria which have seen more hostilities. While the consolidation could be seen as attempts at securing the CBW stockpile by removing them from harm's way, it could also be seen as a means of lending greater credibility to Syrian assertion of its “red lines” and deter any foreign military intervention.

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