Dec 23, 2013

India-US row: Voices from the streets

A Short comment on the Indo-US row over the arrest of the Indian consular officer Ms Khobragade

Al Jazeera English, December 20, 2013

AlJazeeraThe recent arrest and subsequent treatment meted out to Khobragade has thrown another challenge at the India-US bilateral relationship which has been going through a trough.

Given the meek nature of Indian responses to earlier such incidents involving former officials and diplomats including former President Abdul Kalam and Indian Ambassador to the US Meera Shankar, not many in the US would have anticipated the nature and extent of Indian response.

Clearly, India seems to be pursuing a ‘tit for tat’ strategy by withdrawing privileges extended to the US consular staff and other officials bringing them at par with the courtesies extended to Indian officials in the US. Especially given the fact that India is one of US’s closest strategic allies, such responses are useful in conveying India’s displeasure to the US administration. However, it is important that such responses do not result in any unintended lasting damage to the bilateral relationship.

For the complete article click here
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Dec 11, 2013

India's Missile Modernisation and Credible Minimum Deterrence

Published in Generation Why: South Asian Voices, Stimson Center, December 5, 2013
For the complete article click here
gen whyIndia has been modernising its missile capabilities. It has successfully flight-tested its longer range missiles like Agni-IV and Agni-V. It has also made efforts at canisterising its missiles with statements from senior DRDO officials pointing to the development of missiles capable of carrying multiple warheads. These developments have resulted in analyses (here and here, among others) which argue that India is “moving away from its stated doctrine of minimum deterrence towards one with more war-fighting like capabilities.” Such arguments are a simplified understanding of a complex dynamic that underpins the relationship between China-Pakistan alliance and India. Also, such an understanding fails to take into account India’s unique geo-political situation where it shares borders and a troubled history with two nuclear armed neighbours in China and Pakistan. Given the dynamic nature of nuclear doctrine and postures, countries are likely to respond to changing security dynamics. Therefore, the ongoing modernisation of India’s missile programare in essence attempts by India to preserve such technological options for the future rather than for immediate deployment. As such, these efforts are nothing but natural responses from New Delhi to the changes in its security environment rather than any move away from its stated nuclear doctrine.
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Dec 5, 2013

IAEA Safeguards: Evolution and Current Status

My article published in the International Journal of South Asian Studies, Vol. 6(1), Jan-June 2013, pp. 129-146.
For the complete article click here

IJSASThis essay seeks to trace the evolution and current status of the safeguards system implemented by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). It highlights the changes safeguards have undergone since the Agency’s inception in 1957. Safeguards have historically struck a balance between the twin objectives – of facilitating the spread of nuclear technology for peaceful uses and verification of non-proliferation commitments of NPT state parties – that the IAEA was supposed to fulfil. While some changes in the safeguards took place as a response to the spread of civil nuclear technology, other changes have been a reaction to the challenges posed to the non-proliferation regime from the Iraqi and North Korean disclosures. The essay concludes with an assessment of the changes which took place with the coming of Additional Protocol and provides an assessment of the current status of the safeguards across the globe.
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Nov 20, 2013

Nuclear Weapons and Deterrence

To read the complete article click here

Agni-V Launch (Source:Wiki)
In an article in the FAS Strategic Security Blog, Dr. Hans M. Kristensen has quoted various statements by scientists of the Indian Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) related to modernisation of India’s missile program to arrive at the conclusion that the development and deployment of longer range missiles with multiple warheads and quick-launch capability would “indicate that India is gradually designing its way out of its so-called minimum deterrence doctrine towards a more capable nuclear posture.”

Though the arguments advanced in the paper appear logical and persuasive, they remain anchored in the Cold War logic. The two-party logic cannot be applied to understand the complex dynamic that underpins the relationship between the Sino-Pak alliance and India. Such a caricature of the more complex dynamic tends to misrepresent the realities of the relationship between these countries. 

To read the complete article click here
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Nov 11, 2013

Indo-Pak Relations: Moving Beyond Binaries

My tuppence on Indo-Pak relations published as ISSSP Reflections

To read the complete article click here

Indian-visas-to-PakistanisWriting in the website of the IDSA, Sushant Sareen describes India’s Pakistan policy as having been reduced to single binary. The main point of debate in New Delhi about its policy towards Islamabad boils down to whether we should diplomatically engage with Pakistan; whether or not our cricket teams should compete with each other; and whether or not our Prime Ministers should meet. On one hand, many like Rahul Roy-Choudhury of IISS, London call for continued engagement as they believe that talking to each other is the only way forward. There are varied views and voices on how to deal with Pakistan. This article looks at the current Indo-Pakistan relations and deliberates upon the importance of establishing levels in Pakistan to compel its leadership into changing its existing policies.

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Oct 18, 2013

Sino-Pak Nuclear and Missile Collaboration: Implications for India

My article on the Sino-Pak Nuclear and Missile Collaboration published in the Defence and Security Alert, Vol 5, Issue 1, October 2013, pp. 32-34.


For the complete article click here

Cost-benefit analysis is an intrinsic part of international relations and integral to understanding behaviour of states and the choices they make. Countries always try to find ways of maximising benefit while minimising their costs. China has put this strategy to good use while providing assistance to Pakistan in the nuclear and missile domain. By providing assistance to the Pakistani nuclear weapons programme, China – at least cost – has attempted to counter the Indian nuclear capabilities. The Chinese assistance can be seen as part of a larger attempt to tie down India to its Western neighbour, thereby thwarting New Delhi’s regional ambitions. In doing so, China and Pakistan seem to have put into practice, Kautilya’s maxim "the enemy of my enemy is my friend."

For the complete article click here
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Oct 11, 2013

Understanding Pakistan

My review of Ian Talbot's book, in The Book Review, Vol. XXXVII, No. 10, October 2013, pp. 51-52.

To read the complete review click here

As a new civilian government  finds its feet following the historic transition of democratic power in Pakistan, it is important to carry out a holistic analysis of the multiple crises plaguing Pakistan. These range from a troubling internal security situation with rampant terrorist attacks to a crisis of governance to a slowing economy complicated by an energy crisis. In recent years, given the troubles plaguing Pakistan several scholars have outlined a pessimistic future for Pakistan that has ranged from implosion of the country, to its breaking up or ‘Lebanonisation’ to carving of an Islamic Emirate from within Pakistan’s territory. What makes Ian Talbot’s book a great read is the fact that it chronologically and in great detail analyses the historical developments in Pakistan and highlights the turning points—beginning with the failure of the first democratic experiment in 1958—which have led Pakistan down the path it currently finds itself in. The strength and quality of Talbot’s scholarship comes across given the fact that he engages with the spectrum of available scholarship on every issue whether it is the link between madrassa education and militancy or poor governance to uneven economic development. This coupled with Talbot’s assessment of the strength and weaknesses of the reading of the issue by various scholars provides the reader with a well rounded understanding.

To read the complete review click here  
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Sep 28, 2013

Tel Aviv and Pretoria’s Nuclear Tango

My article published in the journal International Politics, Vol. 4, No. VIII, Summer & Autumn 2011, Tehran, pp. 21-39.

For the complete article (in pdf) click here

South Africa's prime minister John Vorster (second from right) is feted by
Israel's prime minister Yitzhak Rabin (right) and Menachem Begin (left) and Moshe Dayan during his 1976 visit to Jerusalem. Photograph: Sa'ar Ya'acov (Credit: Guardian Website)
The coming together of Israel and South Africa in nuclear, missile and military fields; though puzzling can be understood in the entire geo ‐ political situation the countries found themselves in. Both states were international pariahs and felt that they were surrounded by hostile neighbours. This article tracks cooperation between Israel and South Africa from the 1950s when South Africa began supplying uranium to Israel. Thereafter the bonhomie expanded to training of each other’s scientific personnel. Israel and South Africa also collaborated in the missile field with declassified documents released from South African archives pointing to Tel Aviv offering to sell its Jericho ‐ 2 nuclear capable missiles to Pretoria as well as Pretoria allowing Israel to test its longer range missiles from the Overberg test range. In addition, the bilateral cooperation also extended to testing of Israeli nuclear weapons in South Africa as brought to light by the 1977 aborted preparations and the subsequent 1979 nuclear test picked up by the American Vela satellites. 

For the complete article (in pdf) click here
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Sep 19, 2013

India-Pak CBMs and Cricket: Duck, Six or Somewhere in Between?

My article (co-authored with Aryaman Bhatnagar) published in Generation Why: South Asian Voices, Stimson Center, Washington DC, August 30, 2013

http://southasianvoices.org/india-pak-cbms-and-cricket-duck-six-or-somewhere-in-between/

A simple search will throw up several definitions of Confidence Building Measures (CBMs). Given deep suspicions of the ‘other’ and unresolved bilateral disputes, Indo-Pak CBMs are seen as a means to establish channels of communication and increase transparency between the two countries. Currently such mechanisms exist to increase military to military ties, greater people to people contact, provide advance notification of military manoeuvres and missile tests among others. Given cricket’s popularity in both countries, it has been seen as a possible CBM. Seen as a ‘quick fix’ to improve relations, given the sport’s popularity, in reality cricket might not translate into much in terms of better Indo-Pak relations.

For the complete article click here

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Aug 29, 2013

Telegraph India quotes me on the current situation in Syria

Charu Sudan Kasturi of the Telegraph (Calcutta) has quoted me in a story on the Syrian crisis and implications for India in today's paper.

“It is not in our interests to support unilateral operations,” Arun Vishwanathan, a former assistant director at India’s National Security Council said. “But I think the opposition will disappear if UN inspectors find evidence of chemical weapons use by the Syrian regime. That is what will be the game-changer.”

I had written an Issue Brief for the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi on the dangers of Syrian Chemical Weapons in September 2012. 

http://www.observerindia.com/cms/sites/orfonline/modules/issuebrief/attachments/ORF_Issue_brief_45_1347355536755.pdf

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Aug 12, 2013

Nuclear Signals in South Asia

My article titled "Nuclear Signals in South Asia" published in the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, August 9, 2013 available at http://www.thebulletin.org/nuclear-signals-south-asia

India, Pakistan, and China have been dancing a nuclear tango of late, taking steps that have serious implications for the entire region. The countries need to engage if they are to understand the vocabulary and thinking that underpin one another’s nuclear strategies. India will hold elections in 2014. Pakistan has just gone through a democratic transfer of power. China has a new set of leaders in place after its decadal leadership transition. It will be interesting to see whether and how the nuclear signaling game in South Asia changes, once new leadership is in place in all three countries.

For the complete article click here
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Jul 27, 2013

Hatf-IX/ NASR - Pakistan’s Tactical Nuclear Weapon: Implications for Indo-Pak deterrence


Rajaram Nagappa, Arun Vishwanathan, Aditi Malhotra, Hatf-IX/ NASR - Pakistan’s Tactical Nuclear Weapon: Implications for Indo-Pak deterrence, NIAS Report R17-13, Bangalore: National Institute of Advanced Studies, July 2013, ISBN: 978-81-87663-79-9.

The full text of the report is available here

On April 19, 2011 Pakistan conducted the first test flight of Hatf-IX (NASR) missile. The Pakistani Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) described the missile as a ‘Short Range Surface to Surface Ballistic Missile’. Till date there have been three tests of the missile system on April 19, 2011, May 29, 2012 and February 11, 2013. After each of the flight tests, the ISPR put out a largely identical press statement which stressed on the point that the “missile has been developed to add deterrence value to Pakistan’s Strategic Weapons Development programme at shorter ranges.” Further the press release went on to state that the 60km NASR “carries a nuclear warhead of appropriate yield with high accuracy, shoot and scoot attributes.”

Following the Pakistani tests and claims of NASR being a nuclear capable missile, there has been a lot of analysis pointing to the dangers it poses for Indo-Pak deterrence. However, despite the large amount of literature which has come out following the NASR test in April 2011, not much attention has been directed at carrying out a holistic assessment of the tactical nuclear weapons issue. It is this crucial gap that that this report seeks to address.

The NASR poses important challenges for nuclear stability between India and Pakistan. However, in order to understand the drivers and Pakistan’s thinking behind NASR, it is crucial to get a handle on the countries’ thinking about nuclear deterrence.

The NASR warhead section has been estimated to have a cylindrical section which is 361 mm in diameter and 940 mm long with a conical portion which is 660 mm long. Thus, the important question is whether (a) Pakistan has a miniaturized weapon warhead which will fit into this dimension, (b) whether it has been tested and (c) in the absence of tests, how reliable is the weapon system. Most importantly, in the absence of demonstrated reliability, how confident will Pakistan be in fielding it?

Will Pakistan consider its tested HEU weapons in stock as adequate for its security or will it consider it necessary to diversify its stockpile? Another important question to consider is whether Pakistan will divert all or part of its uranium reserves for production of an untested Plutonium based weapon.

Pakistan’s gambit of using NASR to signal a lowering of its nuclear threshold to counter any conventional military operation by India is likely to pose challenges for robustness of nuclear deterrence between Pakistan and India. An important question to ponder over and one that holds some importance for nuclear stability in the Indian sub-continent is whether NASR is leading Pakistan into a ‘commitment trap.’ It would be wise to guard against a situation where Pakistan would be forced to follow through just because of its past assertions. The study shows that a weapon system like NASR has more disadvantages than advantages from all considerations ranging from damage potential to impact on deterrence stability.
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Jul 5, 2013

Aftermath of a Nuclear Attack: A Case Study of Post-strike Operations

My review of Anil Chauhan's book Aftermath of a Nuclear Attack: A Case Study of Post-strike Operations published in India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 69, 2, June 2013, pp. 200-202.

Speaking of the aftermath of a nuclear exchange, Soviet leader Nikita Krushchev is believed to have said, ‘The living will envy the dead.’ This statement captures the debilitating impact of the use of nuclear weapons. Brigadier Anil Chauhan in his book Aftermath of a Nuclear Attack has succeeded in contributing to a better understanding of this complex issue. The author draws upon much of the existing technical and non-technical literature to provide the reader with a holistic picture of immediate and long-term effects of nuclear explosions and the mechanisms in India to respond to such an exigency.

For the rest of the review please visit the India Quarterly link here
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Jun 17, 2013

Comments on Troubling Tehran: Reflections on Geopolitics

Below are some comments made by various individuals on my book Troubling Tehran: Reflections on Geopolitics (co-edited with Rajaram Nagappa). The book is published by Pentagon Press and can be purchased at Flipkart and Bookadda apart from regular brick and mortar bookstores.



Former NSA and current Governor of West Bengal, Mr. MK Narayanan made the following comment after reading my book (co-edited with Rajaram Nagappa) Troubling Tehran Reflections on Geopolitics
High quality treatises of this kind are indeed very few, and I greatly welcome this opportunity to update myself on a subject of growing contemporary relevance and significance.

Ms Vijay Thakur, Joint Secretary, National Security Council Secretariat
The book contains articles which are very informative and analytical, and these would provide valuable input to our work at the NSCS.

Vice Admiral RN Ganesh (Retd), former C-in-C, Southern Naval Command

The book is a valuable compilation and makes a useful addition to the existing debate, and I have little doubt that perspectives such as the ones presented in this book will influence the moulding of a more autonomous and reality based policy. This is all the more important with the the impending vacuum in Afghanistan. 
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May 31, 2013

Website of International Strategic and Security Studies Programme (ISSSP), NIAS, Bangalore

The International Strategic and Security Studies Programme (ISSSP), National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore has a new website. The website contains all our reports and books as well as other details about the ISSSP.

The website can be accessed at <http://isssp.in/>

Home page of ISSSP's website <http://isssp.in/>

About the Programme

The International Strategic & Security Studies Programme, was started at the National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bangalore in 1996 with the broad objective of conducting academic and policy research related to national and international security issues. The emphasis of research is towards integrating complex elements of science and technology with policy, organizational and institutional arrangements.

Rapidly changing geo-political and technology adaptation scenarios affect the national and international strategic conditions and the research carried out in the Programme reflects this. Current and emerging scenarios relating to nuclear, missiles and space weapons are reflective of such an impact and have formed the core area of research.

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May 18, 2013

Reviews of the book Troubling Tehran: Reflections on Geopolitics

Dr. Suba Chandran (Director, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi) and Dr. Manpreet Sethi (ICSSR Senior Fellow, Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi) have written reviews of my book, Troubling Tehran: Reflections on Geopolitics co-edited with Rajaram Nagappa.

Dr. Suba Chandran writes: (to read the complete review click here)

Though there has been a plethora of books and commentaries on Pakistan, despite its strategic importance to India, Iran has never received the attention it deserves in New Delhi and the rest of country. In this background, the recently published book titled Troubling Teheran: Reflections on Geo Politics, edited by Prof Rajaram Nagappa and Dr Arun Vishwanathan from the National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Bangalore, is a welcome addition. Some of the essays in this book should create a larger debate in understanding contemporary Iran, from an Indian perspective.
Dr. Manpreet Sethi writes: (to read the complete review click here)
Despite the criticality of this issue for India’s foreign policy, it is surprising that no serious analytical work was attempted on the subject. It is in this context that the book under review comes not a minute too soon. It makes a useful contribution by squarely placing the issue of ‘Troubling Tehran’ in India’s foreign policy matrix. Written by a set of Indian scholars from diverse backgrounds and one Iranian journalist, it brings together individual perspectives that contribute to the richness of the discussion in the book.

Edited by two Professors of the National Institute of Advanced Studies, the writings naturally focus on technical assessments of the Iranian nuclear, missile, and armed forces’ capabilities. They corroborate a widely held view that Iran’s scientific base is not lacking in capability for making nuclear weapons. Interestingly, the chapter on the technical appraisal of Iran’s nuclear activities also dwells on the domestic availability of uranium, an issue that most Western analyses have ignored while providing guesstimates on how quickly and how much fissile material Iran would accumulate for weapons.


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Apr 23, 2013

IPCS Special Commentary: Carnegie 2013 Nuclear Policy Conference

The Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, New Delhi has published my article on the important debates at the 2013 Carnegie International Nuclear Policy Conference, Washington DC, April 8-9, 2013 as a Special Commentary

Copyright: Carnegie Endowment Website
In the midst of the ‘proliferation’ of cherry blossoms in Washington DC, the 2013 Carnegie International Nuclear Policy Conference was held at the Ronald Reagan Building on April 8 and 9, 2013. The fifteenth annual international nuclear conference organised by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) witnessed attendance by over 800 government officials, experts and students from 46 countries.  

The following paragraphs are an attempt to flag the important issues (in no particular order) which were discussed at the Conference. In a welcome change, the conference, rather than focussing solely on much discussed issues like Iran and North Korea, chose to centre the sessions on four main themes: deterrence, non-proliferation, disarmament and nuclear power/industry.  This being said, Iran, North Korea and - to a lesser degree - South Asia did figure prominently in the sessions, primarily regarding the efficacy of sanctions, the implications of regime-change on non-proliferation and the discussions on the FMCT.  
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Mar 14, 2013

Troubling Tehran: Reflections on Geopolitics

The picture alongside is the cover image of my book Troubling Tehran: Reflections on Geopolitics which I have co-edited with Prof. Rajaram Nagappa.

The book is being published by Pentagon Press. It will be out on the stands in the next few weeks.

What is the best approach for resolving differences over the Iranian nuclear programme and preventing a conflict? How would a conflict possibly unravel given Iranian military, asymmetric and missile capabilities? What does a military conflict over Iran mean for international order and India in particular? These are some of the questions that the book, Troubling Tehran: Reflections on Geopolitics analyses and seeks answers to. 

The Iranian nuclear programme is a complex subject plagued by fundamental differences on how best to resolve it. While some advocate diplomacy and economic sanctions as a way forward, others push for a military response arguing that pursuing diplomacy provides Iran additional time to achieve a break-out capability. However, military coercion may not yield desired results, given the dispersed nature of Iranian nuclear facilities. A strike in fact is likely to accelerate Iranian nuclear weaponisation programme. The recent sanctioning of Iran’s oil sector adds to the regime’s cup of woes which is already overflowing due to a host of economic problems. However, the jury is still out on the question of whether sanctions would spark public disaffection against the regime. 

The implications of a military conflict involving Iran are serious for Asia, particularly India. About 85 percent of Iranian oil exports are eastward bound. Dependence on crude and natural gas imports from the Middle East and North Africa region including Iran poses a dilemma for Indian policy makers. New Delhi thus needs to strike a fine balance while basing its policy on realpolitik and national interest.  

Table of Contents

Introduction
Arun Vishwanathan and Rajaram Nagappa

Iran: A War has Begun
Vijay Shankar

Iran's Nuclear Programme: Where is it headed?
Arun Vishwanathan

Iran’s Nuclear Activities: A Technical Appraisal of Declared Intentions and Reality
L V Krishnan

Iran’s Missile Capabilities 
Rajaram Nagappa and S. Chandrashekar

Iran’s Military Capability, Asymmetric Warfare and its Efficacy
P J Jacob

Iran: An Insider’s Account 
Masoud Imani Kalesar 

World Dependence on Iranian Oil: Sanctions on Iran and Impact on India 
V Raghuraman 

Iran: The Road Ahead 
K C Singh

Conclusion and Recommendations 
Arun Vishwanathan and Rajaram Nagappa

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Feb 19, 2013

Storming the world stage: the story of Lashkar-e-Taiba

My review of Stephen Tankel's book Storming the World Stage: The Story of Lashkar-e-Taiba has been published by Contemporary South Asia, Vol. 21, No. 3, 2013, pp. 83-84.

Stephen Tankel's book, Storming the world stage, is a tour de force on the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT or Lashkar). LeT is one of most capable militant groups that has carried out acts of terrorism in India over the past two decades. This comprehensive study provides plenty of details on the origins, organisation, and operations of the LeT. Tankel shows that the LeT is the leading group among the various militant organisations supported by Pakistan that act as proxies in the ongoing confrontation with India. 

Storming the world stage begins with a comprehensive overview of the range of militant organisations active in Pakistan. It then goes on to delve into the origins of the Lashkar noting its origins and continuing ties with the religious, missionary organisation now known as Jamaat-ul Dawa (JuD). Tankel traces the various identities the group has assumed over the years as well as showing how LeT has been supported by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). The latter part of the book charts the growth and expansion of LeT's capabilities such that it was able to mount terror operations like the Mumbai attacks of November 2008, of course, with ISI's support. Pakistan's reaction, or rather the lack of any action, following the US announcement of a US$10 million reward for information leading to the arrest of LeT chief Hafiz Muhammad Saeed in April 2012 highlights Lashkar's favoured status.

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Feb 13, 2013

Interweaving Narratives

Review of  Alice Lyman Miller and Richard Wich, Becoming Asia: Change and Continuity in Asian International Relations since World War II, Foundation Books, New Delhi, 2012, pp. xiv+314, Rs. 995.00 published in The Book Review, Vol XXXVII, No. 2-3, SAARC Special Issue, February-March 2013, 62-63.

Alice Lyman Miller and Richard Wich both of whom have been lecturing for several years on Asian international relations at various American universities have done yeoman's service to the field of international relations by publishing this masterly account of Asia since the Second World War. Miller and Wich have in a comprehensive manner captured the growth of the region from a geographical expression at the end of the World War II to a region which is seen as a global power center in its own right.

As pointed out by the authors, (pp. 2- 7) there are two simultaneous and interweaving narratives through the course of the book. The first is the Cold War competition between the United States and the Soviet Union to enlist the support of the region's countries into their respective blocs. The second narrative is the rising nationalism resulting in the establishment of independent nationstates in the region. In the book, the Cold War and the resultant great power politics as well as rising nationalism are important actors determining the course of events.

The book begins with the wartime conferences which laid down the contours for a post Second World War world. It then moves on to the Chinese Civil War beginning with the differing readings of the event and the consequences of the victory of the Chinese Communist Party. This is followed up by the US occupation of Japan, process of reconstruction which is ably assisted by the `Gift of the Gods' in the form of the Korean and the Indo-China wars. The decolonization process fuelled by nationalism; the US Alliance system and the Sino-Soviet alliance form the bulwark of the next three chapters. The Vietnam War and the strategic realignment heralded by the Sino-American rapprochement is the highlight of the next two chapters. This is followed up with a chapter solely devoted to a phenomenon which has a huge  role in propelling the region to the global stage, namely the `Rise of China'. The final and the penultimate chapters of the book look at the future of the region in the background of the Taiwan issue, the continued simmering tensions in the Korean peninsula, the Japanese rise coupled with domestic demands to revisit Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution and the tensions in South Asia between India and Pakistan. The authors ponder on how all these issues will impinge on the 'Asian Century'.

One of the greatest strengths of the book is that-given the command of the authors over the subject-it manages to condense differing, divergent readings of an issue very concisely and authoritatively into a few pages. The chapter on the `Chinese Civil War' is a case in point. The authors after providing the reader with an overview of the two differing accounts of the Chinese civil war and its course, conclude (p. 35) that the 'most effective approach to explaining the Chinese civil war is to combine both external and domestic factors, taking due account of the goals and actions of all four actors (United States, Soviet union, Chiang Kai-Shek's KMT and the Chinese Communist Party), not just those of the two domestic antagonists or those of the two external powers.' 
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