published in The Book Review, Vol XXXVI, No. 9, South Asia XX-1, September 2012, 18-19
Fatal Faultlines is a lucid account delving into many difficult questions which lie at the heart of interactions between Islam, the West and Pakistan. These range from historical confrontation between Muslim and western civilizations and their impact on the current ‘dialogue’ between Muslim countries and the West. Husain studies the roots of terrorism and increasing radicalization. In less than 250 pages, Irfan Husain—a popular Pakistani journalist—has delved into these and many related issues which make our world an increasingly dangerous place in a simple, well researched and easy to read book.
‘Why us?’ is an interesting, yet telling question, which is posed to the author by his American friends in the aftermath of 9/11 attacks. It is an important question, which the United States as a country should ask itself in order to extricate itself out of the chakravyuha it finds itself in. Despite American humanitarian efforts in many counties from Bosnia to Pakistan, anti-Americanism is on the rise across the globe. The book, in many ways, is an attempt to answer this central question.
One of the most important sources of this hatred is the result of American support—influenced by geopolitics and economics—of authoritarian regimes in many Muslim countries. During the Cold War this meant keeping pro-Soviet Left wing groups away from power even if it meant extending support to despots. These authoritarian regimes in turn used this support to crush domestic opposition, which were more often than not, led by Islamic groups like the Muslim Brotherhood.
Another reason for the widespread disenchantment with the US has been its constant support of Israel Muslims. Why the US despite all its talk of democracy, justice and human rights, can turn a blind eye to the violation of these ideals in Palestine on a daily basis cannot be fathomed. As Husain points out, ‘the fact that the United States is Israel’s biggest patron and strongest ally results in much of this anger being directed towards Washington’ (p. 9).
The author makes (pp. 90-92) an interesting analysis of the rationale and basis for support to Israel. He posits that it is not the result of the Zionist population in America which is a minuscule three percent of the total population. Instead, the support emanates from the fact that both the mainstream American parties can extend support to Israel without alienating any other crucial support base. This is unlike many other issues like gun control, abortion, affirmative action, which by definition alienate
one or the other support base. Support of Israel, Husain argues, does not have any such baggage, thereby convenient to both the mainstream parties. Additionally, Husain argues, that the Jewish population—given that it votes in a bloc—has the power to tip scales in national or State elections. The elephant in the room—which the author has not said much about—is the financial muscle the Jewish lobby brings to bear which has a large role to play on the continued support which the US extends to Israel.
The Iraqi invasion damaged American standing in the Muslim countries like no other issue. If the invasion of Iraq angered millions, the pictures of torture from the prison camp at Abu Ghraib completely alienated and radicalized Muslims. America could no longer claim the ‘moral high ground after its invasion of Iraq and the widespread pattern of prisoner abuse during the occupation (p. 35).’ The squabbling between the various groups in Iraq has resulted in a situation where the initial public delight at getting rid of Saddam Husain has turned into despair given that the new political establishment has been unable to deliver effective governance.
The American invasion of Iraq resulted in Washington ‘taking its eye away from the ball’ in Afghanistan. This resulted in the Taliban regrouping and strengthening itself and acquiring the capability to control large swathes of the country. The Taliban today is in a position where it will surely be in the driver’s seat as soon they see the back of the Americans in 2014. Not only has the Iraqi invasion resulted in the Afghan mission getting more complicated, costly and long drawn it has also resulted in increasing radicalization of Muslims across the globe.
The fact that the author takes a historical view of the conflict between Islam and Christianity in ‘Past Tense, Future Imperfect’ adds immense value to the volume at large. Delving into history, Husain provides attempts to provide an explanation to the deep seated animosity between the Muslim and the western world which goes back to the Crusades and even earlier and continues till date.
Given that Pakistan is inexorably linked to the entire issue at hand, an entire chapter ‘The Pakistani Paradox’ is devoted to analysing Pakistan and how it fits into the entire milieu. Husain argues that the paradox within the Pakistani polity has transformed it from being one of America’s staunchest allies to one of the most anti-American countries. One such paradox is the fact that the secular basis of Pakistan as a homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent dissipated post Jinnah’s death and has transmogrified into an Islamic State. Sectarian conflicts have resulted in Nobel laureates like Abdus Salam (an Ahmediya) denied their due place because of their religious beliefs. Another interesting paradox relates to the anti-Americanism which is rife in Pakistan. A survey by Farhat Taj of the University of Oslo brings out the startling fact that Pakistanis unlike their popular perception do not see the drone attacks on FATA as a violation of Pakistani sovereignty. In fact, about two-thirds of those surveyed wanted the drone strikes to continue, more so because of the fact that they saw the Pak Army as unwilling or unable to take action against the extremists.
‘Virtual Ummah and Online Jihad’ brings out the fact that online jihadi websites and blogs provide Muslims, regardless of their location with easy access to jihadi propaganda. The propaganda on these websites aim to drive a wedge between the Muslims and non-Muslims. In the West, they create a xenophobic environment and the hatred for the ‘other’ is strengthened (p. 125). The internet, Husain writes, ‘provides a space where vague resentments harden into hate, and then into a resolve to do harm’ (p. 126). In fact, the online media is increasingly the medium of choice for dissemination for the jihadi groups given the anonymity and the wider reach it offers them.
Differences between the West and the Muslims have grown as a result of the fact that Muslims zealously guard their identity and refuse to assimilate even while they are living in western societies. This has resulted in the spread of Islamophobia in the West. This mistrust and suspicion have spread from the private to the public sphere with some like Thilo Sarrazin making preposterous arguments that Muslim, Turkish immigration has resulted in Germany dumbing down!! What is more appalling and dangerous is that about 62% of respondents to a survey on Sarrazin’s book Germany is Doing Away with Itself agreed with his views (pp. 133-134).
Many quote the Qur’an to make the point that Islam is a religion of peace. If this is taken to be true, the question that arises is how the same text is used by many Islamic preachers to further their cause of radicalization and terrorism. Husain devotes an entire chapter ‘A Licence to Kill’ to explore the varying interpretations in the holiest of Muslim texts. He delves into its inviolable nature given that Muslims view it as God’s message which in turn results in an unwillingness to accept any suggestions
for changes.
In the penultimate chapter titled ‘Pakistan’s Red Lines’, Husain makes the critical point that the US and Pakistan have little understanding of each others’ strategic and political positions. The US wants Pakistan to take more concerted action against terror groups like the Haqqanis and not engage in cherry-picking while taking action against these groups. For Pakistan, the choice is not such a simple one. The Pakistanis fear closer ties between India and Afghanistan as they view it as New Delhi’s attempt at encirclement. Therefore, Islamabad desires to maintain good relations with these terror groups in order to maintain influence over Kabul once US drawdown begins. The fact that this is a double-edged sword is something the book brings out very clearly. The increasing depth and spread of radi-calization within the Pakistani Army even at the higher ranks portends dangerously for Pakistan and the world at large.
The Arab Spring provides the US with another chance to redeem itself in the eyes of the Islamic world by correcting previous wrongs. Though the Obama administration has made the right noises about their strategy in the Israel-Palestinian conflict, it has not translated into much. The resolution of this conflict, impossible without US involvement, will alleviate a major source of radicalization and indoctrination. Only time will tell if the Americans will seize this opportunity.
Arun Vishwanathan is Assistant Professor, International Strategic and Security Studies Programme, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Indian Institute of Science Campus (IISc) Bangalore,
 | |
| Irfan Husain, Fatal Faultlines: Pakistan, Islam and the West |
‘Why us?’ is an interesting, yet telling question, which is posed to the author by his American friends in the aftermath of 9/11 attacks. It is an important question, which the United States as a country should ask itself in order to extricate itself out of the chakravyuha it finds itself in. Despite American humanitarian efforts in many counties from Bosnia to Pakistan, anti-Americanism is on the rise across the globe. The book, in many ways, is an attempt to answer this central question.
One of the most important sources of this hatred is the result of American support—influenced by geopolitics and economics—of authoritarian regimes in many Muslim countries. During the Cold War this meant keeping pro-Soviet Left wing groups away from power even if it meant extending support to despots. These authoritarian regimes in turn used this support to crush domestic opposition, which were more often than not, led by Islamic groups like the Muslim Brotherhood.
Another reason for the widespread disenchantment with the US has been its constant support of Israel Muslims. Why the US despite all its talk of democracy, justice and human rights, can turn a blind eye to the violation of these ideals in Palestine on a daily basis cannot be fathomed. As Husain points out, ‘the fact that the United States is Israel’s biggest patron and strongest ally results in much of this anger being directed towards Washington’ (p. 9).
The author makes (pp. 90-92) an interesting analysis of the rationale and basis for support to Israel. He posits that it is not the result of the Zionist population in America which is a minuscule three percent of the total population. Instead, the support emanates from the fact that both the mainstream American parties can extend support to Israel without alienating any other crucial support base. This is unlike many other issues like gun control, abortion, affirmative action, which by definition alienate
one or the other support base. Support of Israel, Husain argues, does not have any such baggage, thereby convenient to both the mainstream parties. Additionally, Husain argues, that the Jewish population—given that it votes in a bloc—has the power to tip scales in national or State elections. The elephant in the room—which the author has not said much about—is the financial muscle the Jewish lobby brings to bear which has a large role to play on the continued support which the US extends to Israel.
The Iraqi invasion damaged American standing in the Muslim countries like no other issue. If the invasion of Iraq angered millions, the pictures of torture from the prison camp at Abu Ghraib completely alienated and radicalized Muslims. America could no longer claim the ‘moral high ground after its invasion of Iraq and the widespread pattern of prisoner abuse during the occupation (p. 35).’ The squabbling between the various groups in Iraq has resulted in a situation where the initial public delight at getting rid of Saddam Husain has turned into despair given that the new political establishment has been unable to deliver effective governance.
The American invasion of Iraq resulted in Washington ‘taking its eye away from the ball’ in Afghanistan. This resulted in the Taliban regrouping and strengthening itself and acquiring the capability to control large swathes of the country. The Taliban today is in a position where it will surely be in the driver’s seat as soon they see the back of the Americans in 2014. Not only has the Iraqi invasion resulted in the Afghan mission getting more complicated, costly and long drawn it has also resulted in increasing radicalization of Muslims across the globe.
The fact that the author takes a historical view of the conflict between Islam and Christianity in ‘Past Tense, Future Imperfect’ adds immense value to the volume at large. Delving into history, Husain provides attempts to provide an explanation to the deep seated animosity between the Muslim and the western world which goes back to the Crusades and even earlier and continues till date.
Given that Pakistan is inexorably linked to the entire issue at hand, an entire chapter ‘The Pakistani Paradox’ is devoted to analysing Pakistan and how it fits into the entire milieu. Husain argues that the paradox within the Pakistani polity has transformed it from being one of America’s staunchest allies to one of the most anti-American countries. One such paradox is the fact that the secular basis of Pakistan as a homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent dissipated post Jinnah’s death and has transmogrified into an Islamic State. Sectarian conflicts have resulted in Nobel laureates like Abdus Salam (an Ahmediya) denied their due place because of their religious beliefs. Another interesting paradox relates to the anti-Americanism which is rife in Pakistan. A survey by Farhat Taj of the University of Oslo brings out the startling fact that Pakistanis unlike their popular perception do not see the drone attacks on FATA as a violation of Pakistani sovereignty. In fact, about two-thirds of those surveyed wanted the drone strikes to continue, more so because of the fact that they saw the Pak Army as unwilling or unable to take action against the extremists.
‘Virtual Ummah and Online Jihad’ brings out the fact that online jihadi websites and blogs provide Muslims, regardless of their location with easy access to jihadi propaganda. The propaganda on these websites aim to drive a wedge between the Muslims and non-Muslims. In the West, they create a xenophobic environment and the hatred for the ‘other’ is strengthened (p. 125). The internet, Husain writes, ‘provides a space where vague resentments harden into hate, and then into a resolve to do harm’ (p. 126). In fact, the online media is increasingly the medium of choice for dissemination for the jihadi groups given the anonymity and the wider reach it offers them.
Differences between the West and the Muslims have grown as a result of the fact that Muslims zealously guard their identity and refuse to assimilate even while they are living in western societies. This has resulted in the spread of Islamophobia in the West. This mistrust and suspicion have spread from the private to the public sphere with some like Thilo Sarrazin making preposterous arguments that Muslim, Turkish immigration has resulted in Germany dumbing down!! What is more appalling and dangerous is that about 62% of respondents to a survey on Sarrazin’s book Germany is Doing Away with Itself agreed with his views (pp. 133-134).
Many quote the Qur’an to make the point that Islam is a religion of peace. If this is taken to be true, the question that arises is how the same text is used by many Islamic preachers to further their cause of radicalization and terrorism. Husain devotes an entire chapter ‘A Licence to Kill’ to explore the varying interpretations in the holiest of Muslim texts. He delves into its inviolable nature given that Muslims view it as God’s message which in turn results in an unwillingness to accept any suggestions
for changes.
In the penultimate chapter titled ‘Pakistan’s Red Lines’, Husain makes the critical point that the US and Pakistan have little understanding of each others’ strategic and political positions. The US wants Pakistan to take more concerted action against terror groups like the Haqqanis and not engage in cherry-picking while taking action against these groups. For Pakistan, the choice is not such a simple one. The Pakistanis fear closer ties between India and Afghanistan as they view it as New Delhi’s attempt at encirclement. Therefore, Islamabad desires to maintain good relations with these terror groups in order to maintain influence over Kabul once US drawdown begins. The fact that this is a double-edged sword is something the book brings out very clearly. The increasing depth and spread of radi-calization within the Pakistani Army even at the higher ranks portends dangerously for Pakistan and the world at large.
The Arab Spring provides the US with another chance to redeem itself in the eyes of the Islamic world by correcting previous wrongs. Though the Obama administration has made the right noises about their strategy in the Israel-Palestinian conflict, it has not translated into much. The resolution of this conflict, impossible without US involvement, will alleviate a major source of radicalization and indoctrination. Only time will tell if the Americans will seize this opportunity.
Arun Vishwanathan is Assistant Professor, International Strategic and Security Studies Programme, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Indian Institute of Science Campus (IISc) Bangalore,
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